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This research investigates if the stringent 2020 and 2050 overarching CO_2 mitigation objectives set out by the European Union dominate its 2010 to 2020 targets specific to the transportation arena, specifically its biofuel penetr...
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This research investigates if the stringent 2020 and 2050 overarching CO_2 mitigation objectives set out by the European Union dominate its 2010 to 2020 targets specific to the transportation arena, specifically its biofuel penetration objectives and gram CO_2 per kilometre emission caps. Using a dynamic recursive general equilibrium model, IMACLIM-R, we demonstrate that these overarching targets do not dominate the interim transportation targets when the carbon policy triggering compliance with the mitigation objectives boils down to the theoretical least-cost option of uniform carbon pricing. Ground transportation is confirmed as quite insensitive to high carbon prices, even when such prices are applied over a long term. It is tempting to conclude that pursuing the mitigation objectives specific to transportation will impose unnecessary costs. However, because of the second best conditions prevailing in actual economies, and of the risk of lock-in in carbon intensive trajectories, we conclude with the urgent need for some ambitious transport-specific policy design research agenda.
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This article examines what contemporary elites think about global governance and what these attitudes might bode for the future of global institutions. Evidence comes from a unique survey conducted in 2017-19 across six elite sect...
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This article examines what contemporary elites think about global governance and what these attitudes might bode for the future of global institutions. Evidence comes from a unique survey conducted in 2017-19 across six elite sectors (business, civil society, government bureaucracy, media, political parties, research) in six countries (Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, South Africa, the United States) and a global group. Bearing in mind some notable variation between countries, elite types, issue-areas and institutions, three main interconnected findings emerge. First, in principle, contemporary leaders in politics and society hold considerable readiness to pursue global-scale governance. Today's elites are not generally in a nationalist-protectionist-sovereigntist mood. Second, in practice, these elites on average hold medium-level confidence towards fourteen current global governance institutions. This evidence suggests that, while there is at present no legitimacy crisis of global governance among elites (as might encourage its decline), neither is there a legitimacy boom (as could spur its expansion). Third, if we probe what elites prioritize when they evaluate global governance, the surveyed leaders generally most underline democracy in the procedures of these bodies and effectiveness in their performance. This finding suggests that, to raise elites' future confidence in global governance, the institutions would do well to become more transparent in their operations and more impactful problem-solvers in their outcomes.
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The linkage of development cooperation with migration policies has been promoted widely by international organizations from 2000 onwards. This paper analyses the factors that have prompted and impeded a reorientation of the domina...
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The linkage of development cooperation with migration policies has been promoted widely by international organizations from 2000 onwards. This paper analyses the factors that have prompted and impeded a reorientation of the dominant migration policy-frame within the EU towards the realization of a migration-development nexus. It is argued that external events such as the international debate on the migration-development nexus and the external shocks provoked by the events in Ceuta and Melilla prompted the EU to rethink its traditionally rather narrow approach, focusing on the repression of migration flows. However, the persistence of the established policy-frame and the existing institutional setting limit the scope for balanced policy coordination, introducing development mainly as an instrument of migration policy rather than the other way round. Challenging the literature that argues that there is a necessary trade-off between a development and a security-orientated migration policy, it is shown that this dichotomous juxtaposition hides the many ways in which different orientations can be combined, depending on the institutional context within which they are framed.
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Civil society plays an important role in European energy and climate policymaking. This paper poses the questions of how organized civil society handled the opportunities and challenges presented by the lockdown to its access to t...
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Civil society plays an important role in European energy and climate policymaking. This paper poses the questions of how organized civil society handled the opportunities and challenges presented by the lockdown to its access to the climate and energy policymaking within the European Commission (EC)? How has the balance between organized civil society groups and businesses in Europe been affected by pandemic-related travel restrictions? Moreover, what role has the EC played in creating such opportunities and affecting the legitimacy of democratic policymaking? This research sheds light on the changing role of the EC in democratic governance and policy formation in the European Union (EU) by examining the relationship between funding received by CSOs active in the policy areas of environment and climate, the number of meetings attended, and the importance of coalitions and networks. This research revealed a possible relationship between level of participation in policymaking and the operational support received from the EC. Despite the resources invested, opportunities for interest representation in the energy and climate policy areas disproportionately favor businesses and organizations with long-term relationships with and proximity to Brussels. Increased number of virtual meetings only marginally increased share of participation of NGOs in these meetings. Thus, a physical presence in Brussels and resource investment remain important factors in access to the EU policymaking.
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Integration of relatively new policy tasks like climate adaptation into established higher-level policy fields is insufficiently understood in the academic literature. This paper proposes a framework to evaluate the integration of...
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Integration of relatively new policy tasks like climate adaptation into established higher-level policy fields is insufficiently understood in the academic literature. This paper proposes a framework to evaluate the integration of climate adaptation into the sectoral policy-making of the European Commission, particularly following the publication of the EU Adaptation Strategy (in 2013). The paper uses a framework of micro, meso and macro-level Institutional behaviour drawing strongly on new institutionalism perspectives to identify and explain factors enabling and hindering policy integration. It focuses on integration in the coastal and marine policy sector, which is expected to be particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts, and draws from data collected through a document review and interviews with key informants. The findings show that the integration of climate adaptation is still at an early stage. The integration process appears to be largely dependent on institutional dynamics at the EU-level combined with how member states and wider sectoral stakeholders engage with adaptation concerns. In particular, the ambivalence of some member states and a lack of urgency among sectoral stakeholders has hampered the integration of adaptation goals.
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Agenda 2000 proposes important changes for the CAP, including the policy for the rural development. The new policy for rural development will be based on two pillars, the European Structural Policy providing for a new objective 2 ...
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Agenda 2000 proposes important changes for the CAP, including the policy for the rural development. The new policy for rural development will be based on two pillars, the European Structural Policy providing for a new objective 2 including rural areas as well as a horizontal structural policy for the rural areas to be financed out of the EAGGF-guarantee.
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The core themes and research questions of this volume, centred on the nature of environmental policy change in the European Union (EU), are laid out. An original heuristic framework to capture different dimensions, mechanisms and ...
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The core themes and research questions of this volume, centred on the nature of environmental policy change in the European Union (EU), are laid out. An original heuristic framework to capture different dimensions, mechanisms and processes of policy change is presented. In order to contextualise the current situation, where EU policy scope has reached maturity and faces an uncertain future trajectory, EU environmental politics is divided into particular eras, looking closely at the nature of change in each period. This volume interrogates the extent to which change has occurred, the conditions or context within which it did/did not take place and the implications arising from stasis or change. The contributions to the volume are introduced and placed into the context of the broader trajectory of EU environmental policy.
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This paper addresses coherence at the levels of policy objectives and instruments. The existing literature usually links policy coherence to strong hierarchical coordination mechanisms. This paper builds on two cases of, respectiv...
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This paper addresses coherence at the levels of policy objectives and instruments. The existing literature usually links policy coherence to strong hierarchical coordination mechanisms. This paper builds on two cases of, respectively, hierarchical imposition and deliberation within the European Commission (the step-up to a 30% greenhouse gas reduction target on the one hand, and the energy efficiency target on the other), to show that coherence of policy objectives is negatively affected by conflicting organizational cultures. The analysis shows, first, that deliberation was possible when the disagreement between organizations was rooted in differing causal beliefs regarding policy instruments, while hierarchical imposition was used when the disagreement was rooted in differences in normative beliefs regarding policy objectives. Secondly, it appears that accommodation between differing causal and normative ideas concerning policy objectives and instruments can be solved both by power and by deliberation, the latter requiring more time and effort.
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Using European Union funds involves a complex process; Member States must adhere to wide-ranging EU and domestic legislation, non-compliance can lead to irregularities. Besides accordance with the letter of the law, also the gener...
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Using European Union funds involves a complex process; Member States must adhere to wide-ranging EU and domestic legislation, non-compliance can lead to irregularities. Besides accordance with the letter of the law, also the general EU budgetary principles, in particular sound financial management, must be given full consideration. The paper presents Hungary’s evolving approach to handling irregularities and her experience in creating the corresponding legal and institutional framework. The research also assesses how the perspective of the European Commission, in particular of its auditors, has contributed to legal uncertainties.In the draft legislation for the 2021 – 2027 budgetary period, the European Commission proposes a new requirement, namely the rule of law conditionality.~(3)Its clarity and objectivity, however, are still being widely discussed. Additionally, cohesion policy conditionalities have always contained an obligation for the proper functioning of the institutions – including the courts. Nonetheless, the European Commission has not previously examined the performance of the courts in relation to proceeding irregularity and recovery disputes. The presented Hungarian case study not only explains the particular challenges that call for revisiting the appeal system in Hungary; it warns of the general difficulties Member States may face when embedding the irregularity and recovery management functions into their national legislation, whereas the paper also gives notice to the long-awaited analysis of the root problems invoking irregularities.
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One of the most serious problems for those who are concerned with the structure and function of the power-knowledge nexus in contemporary Europe is the lack of a systematic scientific account of the rationale of the EU policy abou...
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One of the most serious problems for those who are concerned with the structure and function of the power-knowledge nexus in contemporary Europe is the lack of a systematic scientific account of the rationale of the EU policy about both learned professions and higher education. The problem does not only stem from the still-living legacies of the past. It stems also from the EU need to provide EU governance with EU-oriented learned professionals in order to come to terms with the rising multidisciplinary complexity of EU decision-making and manage the challenges of current social, political and economic mainstreams. The paper deals with the above issues by focusing on the recent EU quest for expertising EU governance and governing professional EU expertise in a number of evolutionary stages: EU professional and higher education law-policy making; EU reaction towards the so-called 'globalization wave' as regards EU epistemic communities; EU 'learning economy' and 'Bologna Convention' models; the impact of the Nice Treaty on the re-assessment of European professional realms. The need for a European sociology of European professions is stressed in conclusion.
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